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356 pages, Hardcover
First published May 19, 2020
But evangelical support for Trump was no aberration, nor was it merely a pragmatic choice. It was, rather, the culmination of evangelicals’ embrace of militant masculinity, an ideology that enshrines patriarchal authority and condones the callous display of power, at home and abroad. By the time Trump arrived proclaiming himself their savior, conservative white evangelicals had already traded a faith that privileges humility and elevates “the least of these” for one that derides gentleness as the province of wusses. Rather than turning the other cheek, they’d resolved to defend their faith and their nation, secure in the knowledge that the ends justify the means. Having replaced the Jesus of the Gospels with a vengeful warrior Christ, it’s no wonder many came to think of Trump in the same way. In 2016, many observers were stunned at evangelicals’ apparent betrayal of their own values. In reality, evangelicals did not cast their vote despite their beliefs, but because of them.The author avers that one can understand white evangelical behavior by reviewing their history of increasing emphasis and insistence on traditionalist gender ideology—i.e. patriarchal authority and feminine subservience. Their opposition to gay rights and gun control plus their support of harsher punishments for criminals and excessive force against black Americans in law enforcement have been bound together into a coherent whole by a nostalgic commitment to rugged, aggressive, militant white masculinity.
John Wayne would capture the hearts and imaginations of American evangelicals. The affinity was based not on theology, but rather on a shared masculine ideal.Quote (reaction to WWI):
Liberal Protestants embraced the conflict (WWI) as a war to end all wars, a means of extending democracy and Christianity across the globe. Among fundamentalists, the response was more complicated.Quote (reaction to WWII):
Tellingly, when it came to the tactics of total war employed by the US military, it was liberal Protestants—many still chastened by the First World War—who expressed reservations. Ockenga, on the other hand, defended the firebombing of German cities in the pages of the New York Times. Evangelicals relished this role reversal, and their newfound patriotism and militarism would help them overcome their reputation as extremists and their marginal status.Chapter 2 JOHN WAYNE WILL SAVE YOUR ASS
The issue of inerrancy did rally conservatives, but when it turned out that large numbers of Southern Baptists—even denominational officials—lacked any real theological prowess and were in fact functionally atheological, concerns over inerrancy gave way to a newly politicized commitment to female submission and to related culture wars issues.Chapter 7 THE GREATEST AMERICAN HERO
Cole had no use for “sissified” portraits of Jesus that failed to reveal his true character. “Christlikeness and manhood are synonymous,” he insisted, and to be Christlike, to be a man, required “a certain ruthlessness.”Toward end of chapter there’s mention of the fall of some well known evangelical names—Marvin Gorman (1986), Jimmy Swaggart (1991), and Jim Bakker & Tammy Faye of the PTL Club with church secretary Jessica Hahn (1987). (The dates are when they were defrocked.) Toward the end of the chapter there’s mention of growing close relationship between evangelical organizations and the military.
Evangelical support for Bush (H.W.) was tepid, and the feeling was mutual. Bush, too, lacked the rugged masculinity of his predecessor, but fortunately for him, he was running against Michael Dukakis.Discussion of 1993 election, Bill Clinton vs. George H.W. Bush, and then the presidency of Bill Clinton. They weren’t as forgiving for the Lewinsky affair as they would be later for Trump.
If conservative evangelicals needed one more thing not to like about the Clintons, there was the Lewinsky affair.Quote:
Among Clinton’s evangelical critics, it appears that their concern with Clinton’s predatory behavior was more about Clinton than about predatory behavior. Within their own circles, evangelicals didn’t have a strong record when it came to defending women against harassment and abuse.Chapter 9 TENDER WARRIORS
Less abrasive than “male headship,” servant leadership framed male authority as obligation, sacrifice, and service. Men were urged to accept their responsibilities, to work hard, to serve their wives and families, to eschew alcohol, gambling, and pornography, to step up around the home.Racial reconciliation emerged as a guiding purpose of Promise Keepers.
Framing racism as a personal failing, at times even as a mutual problem, PK speakers routinely failed to address structural inequalities. …. In this way, the pursuit of racial reconciliation could end up serving as a ritual of self-redemption, absolving white men of complicity and justifying the continuation of white patriarchy in the home and the nation.A 1998 questionnaire revealed that whites made up 90 percent of its membership of promise keepers.
In 1996, for instance, 40 percent of complaints registered by conference participants were negative responses to the theme of racial reconciliation.Chapter 10 NO MORE CHRISTIAN NICE GUY
John Eldredge’s 2001 book, “Wild at Heart: Discovering the Secret of a Man’s Soul,” set the tone for a new evangelical militancy in the new millennium. Eldredge’s God was a warrior God, and men were made in his image. Aggression, not tenderness, was part of the masculine design. Wild at Heart would sell more than four million copies in the United States alone.Dobson’s Bringing Up Boys had a similar message. Douglas Wilson published Future Men: Raising Boys to Fight Giants.
The Books by Wilson, Dobson, and Eldredge appeared in the months before September 11, 2001. When terrorists struck the United States, their call for “manly” heroes acquired a deep and widespread resonance among evangelicals. A very real, not merely rhetorical, “battle to fight” had suddenly materialized for American men. The success of these books, and their cultural impact, can be understood in light of the renewed sense of crisis.Chapter 11 HOLY BALLS
Driscoll challenged men to either recommit to the mission of the church or leave, “because you can’t charge hell with your pants around your ankles, a bottle of lotion in one hand, and a Kleenex in the other.” Driscoll then handed the men two stones, telling them God was “giving them their balls back to get the courage to do kingdom work.”Chapter 12 PILGRIM’S PROGRESS IN CAMO
Evangelicals hadn’t betrayed their values. Donald Trump was the culmination of their half-century-long pursuit of a militant Christian masculinity. … … He was the latest and greatest high priest of the evangelical cult of masculinity.Chapter 16 EVANGELICAL MULLIGANS: A HISTORY
Was complementarianism “just camouflage for abusive males and permission for the abuse and mistreatment of women?”CONCLUSION
Despite evangelicals’ frequent claims that the Bible is the source of their social and political commitments, evangelicalism must be seen as a cultural and political movement rather than as a community defined chiefly by its theology. Evangelical views on any given issue are facets of this larger cultural identity, and no number of Bible verses will dislodge the greater truths at the heart of it.Chapter includes discussion of the gendered nature of the evangelical marketplace at Hobby Lobby and Walmart. Evangelicals were glad to export aspects of this ideology globally, to places like Uganda, India, Jamaica, and Belize. There is discussion of examples of people recovering from their background of growing up in the evangelical world. Trump was the last straw for some.
Although the evangelical cult of masculinity stretches back decades, its emergence was never inevitable. Over the years it has been embraced, amplified, challenged, and resisted. Evangelical men themselves have promoted alternative models, gentleness and self-control, a commitment to peace, and a divestment of power as expressions of authentic Christian manhood. Yet, understanding the catalyzing role militant Christian masculinity has played over the past half century is critical to understanding American evangelicalism today, and the nation’s fractured political landscape. Appreciating how this ideology developed over time is also essential for those who wish to dismantle it. What was once done might also be undone.The following is a link to a podcast interview with the author, Kristin Kobes Du Mez. I found it provided a succinct summary of the message and spirit of this book.
How could 'family values' conservatives support a man who flouted every value they held dear? How could the self-professed 'Moral Majority' embrace a candidate who reveled in vulgarity? How could evangelicals who’d turned ‘WWJD’ ('What Would Jesus Do?’) into a national phenomenon justify their support for a man who seemed the very antithesis of the savior they claimed to emulate?